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Khotan is a province eight days' journey in extent, which is subject to the Great Khan . . . . It has cities and towns in plenty, of which the most splendid, and the capital of the kingdom, bears the same name as the province, Khotan. . . .Thus the author of the Book of Mormon may have adopted this pattern in order to enhance its "sense of historicity."Passing on from here we come to the province of Pem . . . . The most splendid city and the capital of the province is called Pem. (Polo 1958, 82)
The Book of Mormon provides a great deal of incidental detail on military technology. . . . descriptions of weapons and armor in the Book of Mormon are all consistent with ancient patterns as represented in the ancient Near East and Mesoamerica. Indeed, the Book of Mormon consistently parallels Mesoamerica and differs from the ancient Near East in precisely those features that distinguish Mesoamerica from the ancient Near East. Coats of mail, helmets, battle chariots, cavalry, and sophisticated siege engines are all absent from the Book of Mormon and Mesoamerica, despite their importance in biblical descriptions of ancient Near Eastern warfare. Studies on fortifications demonstrate that the Book of Mormon patterns of military architecture and engineering are also consistent with similar patterns in Mesoamerica. (Reynolds 1997, 530-31)However, this really is not so very remarkable, considering that we have a great deal of information about ancient warfare in the writings of Julius Caesar, Livy, and Plutarch. I have already traced many parallels between the Book of Mormon and the histories of these men, and the fortifications of Moroni strongly resemble those of Caesar. Furthermore, the description of warfare in the Spalding MS is very similar to the Book of Mormon. For example, Spalding describes the Sciotan warriors: "Each man had a sword by his side and a spear in his hand, and on their breasts down to their hips and on their thighs they wore pieces of mamouth skins to guard them from arrows and the weapons of death" (Spalding 1910, 84). (Compare Alma 49:6. The Lamanites "had also prepared themselves with shields, and with breastplates; and they had also prepared themselves with garments of skins, yea, very thick garments to cover their nakedness.") The Sciotans wear caps and pieces of skin, but no helmets or coats of mail. They do not have battle chariots or cavalry (although the leader may ride on a horse) or sophisticated siege engines. Spalding gives a detailed description of military fortifications: "The ramparts or walls, were formed of dirt which was taken in front of the fort. A deep canal or trench would likewise be formed. This would still increase the difficulty of surmounting the walls in front. In addition to this they inserted a piece of timber on the top of the ramparts. These pieces were about seven feet in length from the ground to top, which was sharpened. The distance between each piece was about six inches, through which they could shoot their arrows against an enemy. Some of their fortifications have two ramparts, which run parallel with each other, built in the same manner, with a distance between of about two or three perches. Their gates are strong and well constructed for defense" (Spalding 1910, 54-55). (Cf. Alma 50) Hamblin presents no evidence based on warfare which authenticates the Book of Mormon as an ancient Mesoamerican document.
How did he [Joseph Smith] know that a group traveling due east from NHM [Nehem] would meet the sea at a uniquely fertile and hospitable spot that was suitable for building and launching a ship? How did he know that Oman had ample resources for ship building and sailing, and that there were mountains and cliffs on the sea shore itself?Actually, people in Joseph Smith's day knew more about Arabia than Reynolds supposes, as is attested by the following passages from Voltaire's "The Philosoophy of History":These important details run directly counter to all knowledge of Arabia in Joseph Smith's day and to most popular belief about Arabia even today. The simplest and most reasonable explanation is that Joseph Smith and his contemporaries did not know these things . . . . (Reynolds 1997, 388)
. . . but Arabia Felix deserved that name, as being surrounded with thick woods and a tempestuous sea, it was sheltered from the rapacity of robbers . . . . This advantage is far above its aromatics, its incense, its cinnamon (which is of inferior quality) or even its coffee, which now creates its riches. . . .Edward Gibbon also gives this description of southern Arabia:As to that extensive part called Happy, half of it consists also in deserts; but upon advancing some miles into the interior parts, either to the east of Mocha, or to the east of Mecca, there is found the most pleasant country in the world. The air is continually perfumed, during a perpetual summer, by the odor of the aromatic plants which nature spontaneously produces. Thousands of streams flow from the mountains, and preserve an incessant coolness, which moderates the heat of the sun beneath the evergreen shades. It was particularly in this country, that the words garden and paradise implied celestial favor.
The gardens of Saana, towards Aden, were more famous among the Arabians, than were those of Alcinous among the Greeks. And this Aden or Eden was called the place of delights. . . .
This vast country of Yemen is so fine, its ports are so happily situated upon the Indian ocean, that it is said Alexander was desirous of conquering Yemen, in order to make it the seat of his empire, and the emporium of trade for the whole world. (Voltaire 1927, 400-401)
The high lands that border on the Indian Ocean are distinguished by their superior plenty of wood and water: the air is more temperate, the fruits are more delicious, the animals and the human race more numerous: the fertility of the soil invites and rewards the toil of the husbandman; and the peculiar gifts of frankincense and coffee have attracted in different ages the merchants of the world. If it be compared with the rest of the peninsula, this sequestered region may truly deserve the appellation of the happy . . . . (Gibbon n.d., 3:58)As sources for his information on Arabia, Gibbon lists not only ancient writers like Pliny and Strabo, but also the works of Pocock, who published extracts and notes on Arabian antiquities in his Specimen Historiae Arabum. Gibbon also refers a number of times to books by Carsten Niebuhr and Jean Bourguignon D'Anville, who published maps of Arabia. Nephi's account does not require any more knowledge of Arabia than was available in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
The Astons claim that Lehi's group travelled in the same direction as an ancient trade route along the east shore of the Red Sea. However, there was another main trade route, in use at least as early as 336 B.C., which ran across central Arabia to Gerrha on the Persian Gulf. Gibbon refers to these two routes:
The treasures of Africa were conveyed over the peninsula to Gerrha or Katif, in the province of Bahrein, a city built, as it is said, of rock-salt, by the Chaldaean exiles; and from thence, with the native pearls of the Persian Gulf, they were floated on rafts to the mouth of the Euphrates. Mecca is placed almost at an equal distance, a month's journey, between Yemen on the right and Syria on the left hand. The former was the winter, the latter the summer, station of her caravans; and their seasonable arrival relieved the ships of India from the tedious and troublesome navigation of the Red Sea. In the markets of Saana and Merab, in the harbours of Oman and Aden, the camels of the Koreishites were laden with a precious cargo of aromatics; a supply of corn and manufactures was purchased in the fairs of Bostra and Damascus . . . . (Gibbon n.d., 3:62)Concerning Nahom, the Astons present two kinds of evidence: (1) the meaning of "Nehem," and (2) a place in South Arabia named Nehem. Let's consider each of these.
(1) The Astons state that there are two Semitic roots for Nehem. One means "to comfort, console, to be sorry," while the other means "to roar, complain, or be hungry." The Astons think that "both these roots relate in significant and very specific ways to the experiences of Lehi's group while at Nahom. . . . It is hard to imagine any place-name that would be more appropriate in view of what Nephi tells us happened there. Not only do the two roots of Nahom refer unquestionably to both mourning and consoling (and perhaps also to fasting) in connection with Ishmael's death and burial, but they seem to go still further and echo the complaining and the rebellion that followed his burial" (Aston 1994, 12-13). However, this is all quite irrelevant. Why? Because the text states and the Astons acknowledge that Nahom was already named before Lehi's group arrived there (1 Nephi 16:34; Aston 1994, 10). The fact that Ishmael died at Nahom is purely coincidental and is not connected in any way with the meaning of Nehem/Nahom. This does not constitute evidence verifying Nephi's account. Furthermore, the name Nahom is not remarkable, considering that the Bible contains the names Naham, Nahum, and Nehum.
(2) The Book of Mormon refers to a place called Nahom, and there was actually a place named Nehem in South Arabia along an ancient incense trade route. Nothing could be simpler. But is it really that simple? Actually, according to the Astons, the trade route passed through the Jawf valley. Nehem was not the name of a city in the valley, but was a remote burial place in the mountains south of the Jawf valley. The Astons state that Lehi's group "could only have known about Nahom from someone outside the group," and "Likely the Lehite encampment was in the Jawf valley and Ishmael was carried up into the hills for burial" (Aston 1994, 10, 13). But this is not all. The Astons also say that there was another larger burial place east of the Jawf valley in the mountains near Ruwaik. They then conclude that either Nehem or Ruwaik "may well have been the place to which local people led Lehi's mourning party to bury Ishmael" (Aston 1994, 20). It seems then that it would have been quite possible for Lehi's group to travel through the Jawf valley without ever being aware of Nehem and that in any case Ishmael may not have even been buried there.
The Book of Mormon says that Lehi's group journeyed "many days" from Shazer to Nahom, and then after turning east from Nahom, they reached Bountiful, after spending eight years in the wilderness. However, according to the Astons' interpretation, the group would have already traveled a large part of their journey upon reaching Nahom. In fact Reynolds says that the Astons have "persuasively" argued that the course followed by Lehi's group to Nahom took "years to traverse what could have been covered in months" (Reynolds 1997, 381).
Reynolds says that one of the criteria used by the Astons in searching for the site of Bountiful is that "there must be a dangerous cliff where Nephi's brothers could attempt to kill him by throwing him into the sea" (Reynolds 1997, 383). However, the text does not in fact refer to any cliff or state that Nephi's brothers made an actual attempt to kill him; it merely states that Nephi's brothers "were desirous to throw me into the depths of the sea" (1 Nephi 17:48). But when this occurred, Nephi had already made tools out of ore and was preparing to start building their ship. Nephi's brothers "were desirous that they might not labor" (1 Nephi 17:18). It is hardly possible that Nephi planned to build the ship on a cliff above the sea. If the Astons are permitted to speculate, we could conjecture as well that "depths of the sea" implies open ocean, and that Nephi's brothers planned to use a canoe or raft to take Nephi out to sea and throw him overboard. There may very well have been a cliff, but speculation should not be raised to the level of necessary criterion.
Neither Reynolds nor the Astons suggest an explanation for the strange name which the Book of Mormon confers upon the sea. Nephi states that upon reaching Bountiful, they beheld the sea, "which we called Irreantum, which, being interpreted, is many waters" (1 Nephi 17:5). Irreantum appears to be a name invented in imitation of the fact that at one time the Indian Ocean was called the Erythraean Sea. Greek "erythros" means "red," so the Indian Ocean was actually called the Red Sea. The Book of Mormon merely applies a different name to the sea, with a different meaning.
The Astons' interpretation fails to deal with certain peculiarities of the Book of Mormon account. I have argued that the Book of Mormon uses "Red Sea" with a special meaning, referring to what is now called the Dead Sea. The Book of Deuteronomy provides further evidence for this interpretation:
These be the words which Moses spake unto all Israel on this side Jordan in the wilderness, in the plain over against the Red sea, between Paran and Tophel, and Laban, and Hazeroth, and Dizahab. (There are eleven days' journey from Horeb by the way of Mount Seir unto Kadesh-barnea.) . . . On this side Jordan, in the land of Moab, began Moses to declare this law . . . . (Deut. 1:1-2, 5)The text here refers to the plain on the east side of the Jordan "over against" the Red sea, which suggests that it is referring to the Dead Sea, which was perhaps thought to be connected with the Red Sea through the Gulf of Aqaba. Two other passages in the Bible refer to the Red sea, when the Israelites were travelling through the northern Sinai and Edom: "And they journeyed from mount Hor by the way of the Red sea, to compass the land of Edom: and the soul of the people was much discouraged because of the way" (Numbers 21:4); "Then we turned, and took our journey into the wilderness by the way of the Red sea, as the LORD spake unto me: and we compassed mount Seir many days" (Deut. 2:1). Nephi says that the river Laman "emptied into the Red Sea; and the valley was in the borders near the mouth thereof. And when my father saw that the waters of the river emptied into the fountain of the Red Sea, he spake unto Laman, saying: O that thou mightest be like unto this river continually running into the fountain of all righteousness!" (1 Nephi 2:8-9). Nephi also says that when they left the valley of Lemuel, "we did take seed of every kind that we might carry into the wilderness" (1 Nephi 16:11). Josephus describes a deep body of water in a cave beneath a large mountain: "Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan . . . ." Later he also describes "a fountain by Jericho." Originally, this fountain of water had "a sickly and corruptive nature," causing harm to vegetation and new-born children. Elisha prayed over the fountain and made it "wholesome and fruitful." Josephus says that the ground watered by the fountain grew "most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees," and that the area produced honey and balsam. In another work, Josephus says that after Samson repented of his pride, God "raised him up a plentiful fountain of sweet water at a certain rock; whence it was that Samson called the place the Jaw-bone, and so it is called to this day." As William Whiston, the translator, pointed out, the Hebrew word for "jaw-bone" is Lehi: "This fountain, called Lehi, or the jaw-bone, is still in being . . . ." (See Josephus 1984, 1:77, 329; 2:334-35) I have argued that the use of "down" and "up" in the Book of Mormon indicates that Lehi's camp in the wilderness was north of Jerusalem, and that parallels with the stories of Moses and Joshua reveal that Lehi's group traveled a course opposite to that of the Israelites, when they crossed the Jordan and entered Canaan. Lehi may have camped near the "fountain by Jericho," and his river Laman, which emptied into the fountain of the Red Sea, would have joined with the Jordan, which Lehi may have considered to be this fountain of the Red Sea. When the Book of Mormon says that Lehi's group traveled in a south-southeast direction, "keeping in the most fertile parts of the wilderness, which were in the borders near the Red Sea" (1 Nephi 16:14), it appears to be referring to areas east of the Dead Sea, not the long stretch of Arabia which borders the Red Sea. I have also suggested that Nahom, where Ishmael died, is a point east of Mount Hor, where Aaron died, and that after Lehi's group turned eastward from Nahom, they reached a point near the mouth of the Euphrates River on the Persian Gulf. The name Bountiful may be connected with the meaning of "Euphrates," which is "that which makes fruitful."
And finally we can suggest a simple explanation for the name Nahom, which does not require a knowledge of Semitic roots or the geography and place-names of South Arabia. The author of Nephi's record paralleled accounts of Moses, Joshua, and the Israelites, when they journeyed along the border of the Dead Sea and crossed the Jordan to Jericho (even the Astons acknowledge these parallels). But when he wanted Lehi's group to turn eastward, he started thinking of the trek of Abraham and his family from Ur to Haran. Abraham's brother was named Nahor, and it requires only the subsititution of one letter to change the name to Nahom. This I believe, is the real meaning and significance of Nahom, and it indicates that Lehi's group did not travel to South Arabia.
Lacking any archeological evidence which definitely links Lehi's group with specific sites, any suggested route of travel must remain speculative, and therefore it is difficult to take seriously Reynolds' claim that Nephi's account "must be seen as a powerful witness of the Book of Mormon's divine origins and ancient authorship" (Reynolds 1997, 388).
Welch's parallels between the Book of Mormon and the Narrative of Zosimus are problematic, but granting them for the sake of argument, there is a much simpler explanation. The similarities could have been mediated by a popular tale from the Middle Ages called the Voyage of St Brendan. Parallels between this story and Zosimus are much more precise than those which Welch cites from the Book of Mormon, and D. H. Farmer says of the Voyage of St Brendan: "Its basic theme, the quest for a paradise on earth, can be traced back through early Christian writings to Greek, Roman and Egyptian literature. Parallels can be drawn with the Book of Enoch or the Shepherd of Hermas. But the closest resemblances are to the literature of Visions, some of which originated in Ireland and probably made use of pre-Christian Irish elements. The story of an adventurous sea-voyage is common in early Irish literature" (Farmer 1983, 12).
Zosimus was a virtuous man who lived in the desert for forty years, practicing an ascetical life. He asked God to show him the dewelling place of the Blessed Ones, who had lived during the days of Jeremiah. An angel appeared and said that he would show Zosimus the way. St Brendan also lived an ascetical life, being the abbot of a monastery. One day he was visited by a monk named Barinthus, who told Brendan about a place called the Island of Delights, discovered by his son Mernoc. Barinthus and his son Mernoc set sail in a vessel to find another isle called the Land of Promise of the Saints. After hearing Barinthus' story, Brendan became consumed with a desire to find this land.
Zosimus traveled for forty days and was then blown by a wind to a river: "And behold when I desired to cross the river, some one cried as if from the water, saying Zosimus, man of God, thou canst not pass through me, for no man can divide my waters" (Reynolds 1997, 333). Similarly, after Barinthus and Mernoc sailed to the Land of Promise, they traveled for fifteen days and came to a river. A man surrounded by an aura of shining light appeared and told them: "The river you see before you divides the island in two. You may not cross it" (Farmer 1983, 212).
Zosimus looked up and "saw a wall of cloud stretching from the waters to the heaven" (Reynolds 1997, 334). There are several parallels to this wall of cloud in the Voyage of St Brendan. The Land of Promise of the Saints was surrounded by a dense cloud, which Barinthus and Mernoc had to sail through, both when they arrived and departed from the island. Later, when Brendan and a group of monks also set sail in search of the Land of Promise, they stayed on an island, where a dense white cloud settled over them until daybreak. They sailed on and one day saw a column rising out of the sea: "Brendan gazed upwards but could hardly see the top because of its great height: it was higher than the sky" (Farmer 1983, 236). This column was surrounded by a large canopy. Finally, when Brendan's group came to the Land of Promise, they were enveloped in thick darkness before reaching shore.
Zosimus was transported across the river: "I went forward, whither I knew not, and that place was filled with much fragrance, and there was no mountain on either hand, but the place was level and flowery, all crowned with garlands, and all the land was beautiful" (Reynolds 1997, 336). In their travels, Brendan's group reached a place which is described thus: "The island itself was remarkably flat and low, and seemed to be literally at sea level . . . . It was very wide and was covered with purple and white caltae." Sailing on, they reached an island which "was thickly set in every part with trees bearing the same kind of fruit as the bird had brought them. . . . The island exhaled a fragrant odour" (Farmer 1983, 232, 234).
Zosimus saw a naked man and started conversing with him, telling him how he had come to that place. Brendan's group reached a small island where Paul the Hermit lived, and they were astonished to see that he wore no clothes at all. In response to Brendan's questions, Paul related how he had arrived at the island.
Zosimus looked up into heaven and saw that the man's face was "as the face of an angel, and his clothing as lightning." The man said, "I also am one of the blessed. Come with me, that I may lead thee to the elders. And laying hold of my hand he walked about with me and led me toward a certain crowd, and there were in that crowd elders like sons of God, and young men were standing beside the elders" (Reynolds 1997, 341-42). Brendan's group reached the Island of the Community of St Ailbe, where they saw an "old man with white hair and a shining face." Taking Brendan's hand, he led them to a monastery, where twelve monks welcomed them saying, "Rise up you holy ones of God." Later, when Brendan's group reached the island covered with caltae, they found that the place was inhabited by boys, young men, and elders. The boys wore "pure white garments," while the other men wore colored garments. (Farmer 1983, 223-24, 233)
Zosimus says that the elders gave him to the care of an attendant: "So the attendant receiving me led me to his cave, and we sat under a tree partaking of food. . . . then we ate, and the water came out from the root of the tree sweeter than honey, and we drank our fill, and again the water sank down into its place" (Reynolds 1997, 345). Brendan's group also had an attendant or steward, who provided them with food and water at various periods of their journey. Furthermore, when they reached the island of Paul the Hermit, Brendan "climbed up to the summit and saw two caves with their mouths facing each other . . . and a tiny spring gushing out from a rock in front of the mouth of the cave . . . . The spring water, as it fell, was at once absorbed by the rock." This spring provided Paul with water. The caltae which Brendan's group ate also "left a constant taste of honey in their mouths" (Farmer 1983, 234, 241).
People constantly came to look at Zosimus and ask him many questions. Similarly, when Barinthus visited Mernoc on the Island of Delights, the "monks poured from their cells like a swarm of bees to look at us" (Farmer 1983, 211). Zosimus was so wearied by the constant questions that he asked his attendant to lie and tell people that he wasn't there. The attendant was horrified by this request, likening it to the deception of Eve by Satan, and the elders ordered Zosimus to depart. However, Zosimus poured forth great lamentation and asked for forgiveness. On the first island which Brendan's group reached, Brendan warned them: "Be on your guard, brethren, lest Satan lead you into temptation. I can see him persuading one of those three brethren who followed us to commit an awful theft. Pray for his soul, for his body is given over to the power of the devil" (Farmer 1983, 216). One of the monks did in fact steal a necklace, and when he was discovered, he fell at the feet of Brendan and begged for pardon.
The elders tell Zosimus that when they fast for forty days, God sends manna from heaven to feed them. They also state that "among us there is no sickness, pain, fatigue to our bodies, mutilation, weariness, or temptations" (Reynolds 1997, 362). Similarly, Ailbe tells Brendan that God mysteriously provides bread for them to eat, and says: "It is eighty years since this began and we never feel any older or more feeble. . . . nor do we ever suffer from extremes of heat or cold." He also states: "And we have never known illness, either physical or mental, since we arrived" (Farmer 1983, 224, 226).
Clearly, there are many parallels between the Narrative of Zosimus and the Voyage of St Brendan. They may even belong to the same tradition. Thus, although it would not have been possible for someone in Joseph Smith's day to have known about Zosimus, they did have access to a very similar story in the Voyage of St Brendan. Therefore, Welch's parallels do not corroborate the Book of Mormon's roots in the ancient Near East.
1. Kinds of Books and Their Uses. Sorenson lists various types of Mesoamerican records and information found in the records. One can find similar documents in the Spalding manuscript, including records of contemporary events, letters, political histories, wars and victories, sacred matters and rites, prophecies, lives of rulers, and adventures of heroes.
2. The Forms of Books. Mesoamerican documents were either written on paper made from bark, which was folded like an accordion, or inscribed on stones. In his story, Spalding claimed that he found a flat stone with characters inscribed on it. After raising the stone, he discovered a cave and a box containing twenty-eight sheets of parchment. He refers to the parchment as a "roll." The writing on the parchment (and perhaps on the stone as well) proved to be Latin, but Fabius also states that the Ohons wrote on parchment and that they had a sacred roll.
3. Lineage Histories. These documents include the origin story of a group (including migration traditions), trace the descent of the group from a common ancestor, and explain the existing social order. The Spalding manuscript includes two distinct groups of people -- the Deliwans and the Ohons. Its primary focus is on the Ohons, but Spalding did refer to Deliwan traditions that their ancestors came from the west. The story does not explain the origins of the Ohons, but it does include the great myth of Lobaska, the instructor and reformer of the Ohons. It was Lobaska who gave the Ohons their system of writing, the religious tenets included in their sacred roll, and their constitution and form of government. Originally, the Ohons were divided into independent city-states governed by chiefs, between which there were frequent "contentions and wars." Lobaska separated the Ohons into two empires (Sciota and Kentuck), established their constitutions, and installed his own sons as the emperors and high priests of the two nations.
Lineage histories were "maintained and interpreted by priest-scholars" (Reynolds 1997, 419). The Spalding story states: "Records are kept of the transactions of their governments. Their constitutions and laws are committed to writing [A sacred Roll in manuscript is preserved among the records of their emperors and kings] and are dispersed through the empire . . . . In all their large towns and cities they have deposited under the care of a priest a sacred Roll which contains the tenets of their theology and a description of their religious ceremonies" (Spalding 1910, 26).
4. Ethnocentric Bias and Politically Motivated Revision of History. Sorenson quotes various sources, claiming that "documents offer the official historical version of one city-state, laying particular stress upon the claims to legitimacy of its rulers" (Reynolds 1997, 429). The Spalding manuscript presents the different ways in which the Kentucks and Sciotans viewed the marriage of Elseon, prince of Kentuck, and Lamesa, princess of Sciota. According to the constitutions of the two empires, there was to be no intermarriage between the two populations. The Kentucks approved of the marriage, but did not regard it as a serious breach of the constitution, despite the fact that Lamesa went against the wishes of her father and had been promised as the wife of Sambal. The Sciotans, on the other hand, regarded the marriage as both a personal crime of robbery on the part of Elseon and as an affront to the dignity and authority of the Sciotan government. The Kentucks attempted to be conciliatory, but the Sciotans called for revenge and war.
5. Obscure Language. Sorenson writes:
One had to be deeply schooled in the relevant Mesoamerican language to catch its allusions. In native priestly schools, students were taught explanations of the paintings and glyphs in the codices accompanied by interpretive commentaries that they had to learn by rote. . . . Regarding the Maya glyphs, Dütting notes "a content dictated by the historical and ritual-religious interests of a small sophisticated nobility." Carrasco calls the central Mexican codices "part of the art of the ruling classes [that] contained stories painted and understood by very few individuals, usually the priestly sons of noble families who memorized the stories and pictorial conventions of their culture." (Reynolds 1997, 437)
The Spalding MS states:
It is a work of considerable labor and time to obtain such a knowledge of their characters and the application as to be able to read with fluency and to write with ease and accuracy.When Lobaska arrived and declared that he had invented a system of writing, "he then proposed to establish a school, for the instruction of the sons of the principal subjects of the king. . . . A house was immediately prepared for the accommodation of scholars, and in a short time the numbers amounted to near two hundred" (Spalding 1910, 34).In their principal cities and towns the government appoints learned men to instruct the sons of the higher class of citizens, and in the course of four or five years they will make such proficiency as to become tolerable scholars. . . .As only a small proportion of the people are instructed in the arts of reading and writing, of consequence the great mass, must possess a large share of ignorance . . . . (Spalding 1910, 26-27).
6. Writing Systems. Sorenson argues that there is evidence indicating that the plates of the Book of Mormon were "inscribed in a manner consistent with a Mesoamerican codex format, with vertical columns and other appropriate features . . . ." He also says that all Mesoamerican glyph systems "depended heavily on 'logographs,' which convey one concept per character. Potentially, one had to memorize thousands of characters, each character having a different semantic significance. . . . The systems also involved a phonetic principle, so that names and words could be, and often were, sounded out" (Reynolds 1997, 417, 446).
Spalding says that the Ohons "had characters which represent words, and all compound words had each part represented by its appropriate character. The variation of cases, moods, and tenses was designated by certain marks placed under the character. They generally wrote on parchment, and beginning at the right, wrote from the top to the bottom, placing each character directly under the preceding one, and having finished one column or line they write the next on the left of that and so continue on until they cover the parchment, if the subject require it." Spalding also says that Lobaska "had invented the art of expressing ideas by certain marks or characters" (Spalding 1910, 25, 34).
7. Mesoamerican Priesthood and Records. Sorenson writes:
The priesthood among the Mesoamerican peoples consisted of several levels of power and jurisdiction, and priests varied in their functions, but many of them had to do with books. Among the Maya of Yucatan, a "high priest" was held in general respect, and a similar office existed elsewhere in Mexico. He did little in the way of routine sacrificing or divination, but "provided [other] priests for the towns when they were needed, examining them in the sciences and ceremonies . . . and provided them with books and sent them forth." . . .Both "prophet" and "seer" were established roles, and as indicated above, records of their statements were kept as part of the general historical archives of official documents of native states. . . . The Quiché Maya had hiq' vachinel, "far seers," who were prophetic diviners with second sight able to "see at a distance" or scrutinize (niq'oh) and peer into (vachih) things. Peering into special stones was widespread in Mesoamerica and elsewhere in the world. . . .
One specific function of foretelling was related to war. A highland Guatemalan high priest, his assistant, and four other priests would meet to ascertain "by sorcery and enchantment" . . . if they should make war, or if foes were coming to attack them. They then told the caciques, or rulers, "whether they should go to meet them." (Reynolds 1997, 462-65)
The Spalding MS describes the creation of the office of the high priest, who had four assistant priests: "They shall exercise a jurisdiction over all the priests of the empire and shall see that they faithfully perform the duties of their office. They shall attend to the instructors of learning and shall direct that a suitable number are provided throughout the empire" (Spalding 1910, 44). It also states: "In all their large towns and cities they have deposited under the care of a priest a sacred Roll which contains the tenets of their theology and a description of their religious ceremonies. This order of men publish comments upon these sacred writings; they publish some tracks on moral philosophy, and some containing a collection of proverbs and the wise sayings of their sages." In addition, the story says that Sambal, who wanted to foment war with Kentuck, "had recourse to a class of men, who were denominated prophets and conjurers to favor his design. . . . As they pretended to have the art of investigating the councils and designs of the heavenly hierarchy and to have a knowledge of future events, the people with pleasure listened to their predictions . . . . Drofalick their chief prophet extended his arms and cast up his eyes towards heaven. . . . Hamack then arose and in his hand he held a stone which he pronounced transparent, though it was not transparent to common eyes. Through this he could view things present and things to come, could behold the dark intrigues and cabals of foreign courts and discover hidden treasures, secluded from the eyes of other mortals" (Spalding 1910, 26, 74-75). Hamack pretended to see the Kentucks mutilating an effigy of Sambal.
8. Mesoamerican History and the Calendar. This is Sorenson's murkiest category. He briefly discusses the Mayan calendar cycles and then says that predictions were made on the basis of these cycles, and there was a strong sense of fate tied to the calendar. The Mexica or Aztecs, however, believed that fate could be molded by rituals, astrology, and divination. Sorenson then tries to link prophecies in the Book of Mormon with Mayan calendar cycles, but his examples are unconvincing, and he ends by saying that "all these notions are speculative" (Reynolds 1997, 476). A calendar system is implied in the Spalding manuscript, when the festivals of the Deliwans are described: "They held festivals at stated times . . . . At one of their annual festivals their ceremonies were peculiarly singular and different from any that were ever practiced by any nation. . . . When the time arrives, which is in September, the whole tribe assembles." A sense of inevitability and decreed fate can also be found in the words of Lakoonrod, the high priest, when he denounces the crime of Elseon: "No reparation can of consequence be received except it be a return of the stolen treasure or the blood of the transgressor. Nothing else can satisfy the righteous demand of the great and good Being. He therefore calls upon the civil power to execute his vengeance, to inflict an exemplary punishment. And as it is his cause, and you are employed as his instruments, you may be assured that his almighty arm will add strength to your exertions and give you a glorious victory over your enemies" (Spalding 1910, 11, 79).
Sorenson clearly is wrong in claiming that "the Mesoamerican-like features of and in the Book of Mormon could not be due to any early-nineteenth-century author." Solomon Spalding's manuscript fulfills almost every feature listed by Sorenson.
See also Evidence from the Book of Mormon Manuscript
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